Abstract: The publication of Elsa Chaney’s research on female political engagement in Latin America in 1971 ensured her legacy as a pioneer in that domain. It also provided decades of investigators with a baseline for evolving theories associated with the supermadre model. Sociopolitical developments in the twenty-first century now question that model’s viability going forward. This discussion suggests a recast model—an “adaptation of species” with enhanced capabilities: the supra-madre.
Chile es – y ojalá que muy pronto era – uno de los cuatro países (Chile, Nicaragua, República Dominicana, y El Salvador) en la región Latinoamericana que completamente prohíbe el aborto, y uno de seis en el mundo. La penalización por recibir un aborto en Chile puede incluir tiempo en la cárcel de hasta cinco años. También hay una posibilidad de tiempo en la cárcel para cualquier persona que administre un aborto. En Chile, las mujeres podrían sufrir medidas punitivas que solamente sirven para extender su dolor, y los médicos que ofrecen abortos lo hacen arriesgándose a ellos mismos.
Chile is – and hopefully soon to be was –one of four countries (Chile, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, and El Salvador) in the Latin American region that completely bans abortion, and one of six globally. The penalty for receiving an abortion in Chile can include jail time of up tofive years. There is also apossibility of jail time for any individual who administers an abortion. In Chile, women may suffer punitive measures that only serve to further extend their pain, and medical professionals who offer abortions do so at significant risk to themselves.
But finally, it seems the women of Chile will have hope that they have not had since1989, when the ban was implemented. As it stands, 70 percent of Chileans support this bill. In 2015, as seen in the graphic below, provided by the Chilean government, President Bachelet released a bill which will allow abortions in certain instances.